Chapter One
The word
Irish is seldom coupled with the word
civilization. When
we think of peoples as civilized or civilizing, the Egyptians and
the Greeks, the Italians and the French, the Chinese and the Jews
may all come to mind. The Irish are wild, feckless, and charming, or
morose, repressed, and corrupt, but not especially civilized. If we
strain to think of "Irish civilization," no image appears, no
Fertile Crescent or Indus Valley, no brooding bust of Beethoven. The
simplest Greek auto mechanic will name his establishment
"Parthenon," thus linking himself to an imagined ancestral culture.
A semiliterate restaurateur of Sicilian origin will give pride of
place to his plaster copy of Michelangelo's
David, and so assert his
presumed Renaissance ties. But an Irish businessman is far more
likely to name his concern "The Breffni Bar" or "Kelly's Movers,"
announcing a merely local or personal connection, unburdened by the
resonances of history or civilization.
And yet . Ireland, a little island at the edge of Europe that
has known neither Renaissance nor Enlightenment-in some ways, a
Third World country with, as John Betjeman claimed, a Stone Age
culture had one moment of unblemished glory. For, as the Roman
Empire fell, as all through Europe matted, unwashed barbarians
descended on the Roman cities, looting artifacts and burning books,
the Irish, who were just learning to read and write, took up the
great labor of copying all of western literature-everything they
could lay their hands on. These scribes then served as conduits
through which the Greco-Roman and Judeo-Christian cultures were
transmitted to the tribes of Europe, newly settled amid the rubble
and ruined vineyards of the civilization they had overwhelmed.
Without this Service of the Scribes, everything that happened
subsequently would have been unthinkable. Without the Mission of the
Irish Monks, who single-handedly refounded European civilization
throughout the continent in the bays and valleys of their exile, the
world that came after them would have been an entirely different
one-a world without books. And our own world would never have come
to be.
Not for a thousand years-not since the Spartan Legion had perished
at the Hot Gates of Thermopylae had western civilization been put to
such a test or faced such odds, nor would it again face extinction
till in this century it devised the means of extinguishing all life.
As our story opens at the beginning of the fifth century, no one
could foresee the coming collapse. But to reasonable men in the
second half of the century, surveying the situation of their time,
the end was no longer in doubt: their world was finished. One could
do nothing but, like Ausonius, retire to one's villa, write poetry,
and await the inevitable. It never occurred to them that the
building blocks of their world would be saved by outlandish oddities
from a land so marginal that the Romans had not bothered to conquer
it, by men so strange they lived in little huts on rocky outcrops
and shaved half their heads and tortured themselves with fasts and
chills and nettle baths. As Kenneth Clark said, "Looking back from
the great civilizations of twelfth-century France or
seventeenth-century Rome, it is hard to believe that for quite a
long time-almost a hundred years-western Christianity survived by
clinging to places like Skellig Michael, a pinnacle of rock eighteen
miles from the Irish coast, rising seven hundred feet out of the
sea."
Clark, who began his Civilisation with a chapter (called "The Skin
of Our Teeth") on the precarious transition from classical to
medieval, is an exception in that he gives full weight to the Irish
contribution. Many historians fail to mention it entirely, and few
advert to the breathtaking drama of this cultural cliffhanger. This
is probably because it is easier to describe stasis (classical, then
medieval) than movement (classical to medieval). It is also true
that historians are generally expert in one period or the other, so
that analysis of the transition falls outside their-and
everyone's?-competence. At all events, I know of no single book now
in print that is devoted to the subject of the transition, nor even
one in which this subject plays a substantial part.
In looking to remedy this omission, we may as well ask ourselves the
big question: How real is history? Is it just an enormous soup, so
full of disparate ingredients that it is uncharacterizable? Is it
true, as Emil Cioran has remarked, that history proves nothing
because it contains everything? Is not the reverse side of this that
history can be made to say whatever we wish it to?
I think, rather, that every age writes history anew, reviewing deeds
and texts of other ages from its own vantage point. Our history, the
history we read in school and refer to in later life, was largely
written by Protestant Englishmen and Anglo-Saxon Protestant
Americans. Just as certain contemporary historians have been
discovering that such redactors are not always reliable when it
comes to the contributions of, say, women or African Americans, we
should not be surprised to find that such storytellers have
overlooked a tremendous contribution in the distant past that was
both Celtic and Catholic, a contribution without which European
civilization would have been impossible.
To an educated Englishman of the last century, for instance, the
Irish were by their very nature incapable of civilization. "The
Irish," proclaimed Benjamin Disraeli, Queen Victoria's beloved prime
minister, "hate our order, our civilization, our enterprising
industry, our pure religion [Disraeli's father had abandoned Judaism
for the Church of England]. This wild, reckless, indolent, uncertain
and superstitious race have no sympathy with the English character.
Their ideal of human felicity is an alternation of clannish broils
and coarse idolatry [i.e., Catholicism]. Their history describes an
unbroken circle of bigotry [!] and blood." The venomous racism and
knuckle-headed prejudice of this characterization may be evident to
us, but in the days of "dear old Dizzy," as the queen called the man
who had presented her with India, it simply passed for indisputable
truth.
Occasionally, of course, even the smug colonists of the little
queen's empire would experience a momentary qualm: Could the
conquerors possibly be responsible for the state of the colonized?
But they quickly suppressed any doubt and wrapped themselves in
their impervious superiority, as in this response by the historian
Charles Kingsley to the famine-induced destitution he witnessed in
Victorian Ireland: "I am daunted by the human chimpanzees I saw
along that hundred miles of horrible country. I don't believe they
are our fault [emphasis mine]. I believe that there are not only
many more of them than of old, but that they are happier, better and
more comfortably fed and lodged under our rule than they ever were.
But to see white chimpanzees is dreadful; if they were black, one
would not feel it so much, but their skins, except where tanned by
exposure, are as white as ours."
Nor can we comfort ourselves that such thinking passed long ago from
the scene. As the distinguished Princeton historian Anthony Grafton
wrote recently in The New York Review of Books of history
departments at the better American universities: "Catholic
culture-like most Catholics-was usually disdained, as the province
of lesser breeds fit only for the legendary parochial schools where
nuns told their charges never to order ravioli on a date, lest their
boy friends be reminded of pillows. Stereotypes and prejudices of
this kind, as nasty as anything fastened upon Jews, persisted in
American universities until an uncomfortably recent date."
That date may be only the day before yesterday. Yet this is not to
accuse any historian of deliberate falsification. No, the problem is
more subtle than deception-and artfully described by John Henry
Newman in his fable of the Man and the Lion:
The Man once invited the Lion to be his guest, and received him with
princely hospitality. The Lion had the run of a magnificent palace,
in which there were a vast many things to admire. There were large
saloons and long corridors, richly furnished and decorated, and
filled with a profusion of fine specimens of sculpture and painting,
the works of the first masters in either art. The subjects
represented were various; but the most prominent of them had an
especial interest for the noble animal who stalked by them. It was
that of the Lion himself; and as the owner of the mansion led him
from one apartment into another, he did not fail to direct his
attention to the indirect homage which these various groups and
tableaux paid to the importance of the lion tribe.
There was, however, one remarkable feature in all of them, to which
the host, silent as he was from politeness, seemed not at all
insensible; that diverse as were these representations, in one point
they all agreed, that the man was always victorious, and the lion
was always overcome.
It is not that the Lion has been excluded from the history of art,
but rather that he has been presented badly-and he never wins. When
the Lion had finished his tour of the mansion, continues Newman,
"his entertainer asked him what he thought of the splendours it
contained; and he in reply did full justice to the riches of its
owner and the skill of its decorators, but he added, 'Lions would
have fared better, had lions been the artists.'"
In the course of this history, we shall meet many entertainers,
persons of substance who have their story to tell, some of whom may
believe that their story is all there is to tell. We shall be
gracious and give them a hearing without disparagement. We shall
even attempt to see things from their point of view. But every once
in a while we shall find ourselves entertaining lions. At which
moments, it will be every reader for himself.
We begin, however, not in the land of lions, but in the orderly,
predictable world of Rome. For in order to appreciate the
significance of the Irish contribution, we need first to take an
inventory of the civilized empire of late antiquity.
(Continues.)